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107th Congress                                                  S. Prt.
                         JOINT COMMITTEE PRINT                  
 1st Session                                                    107-32
_______________________________________________________________________

                                     

 
                    COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS
                           PRACTICES FOR 2000
                                VOLUME I

                               __________

                              R E P O R T

                            SUBMITTED TO THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

                              U.S. SENATE

                                AND THE

                  COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                                 BY THE

                          DEPARTMENT OF STATE

     IN ACCORDANCE WITH SECTIONS 116(d) AND 502B(b) OF THE FOREIGN 
                   ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961, AS AMENDED

                                     
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                   U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
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                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

                JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr, Delaware, Chairman
PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland           JESSE HELMS, North Carolina
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut     RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts         CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin       GORDON H. SMITH, Oregon
PAUL D. WELLSTONE, Minnesota         BILL FRIST, Tennessee
BARBARA BOXER, California            LINCOLN D. CHAFEE, Rhode Isdland
ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey     GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia
BILL NELSON, Florida                 SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas
JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IV, West         MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming
    Virginia
                     Edwin K. Hall, Staff Director
            Patricia A. McNerney, Republican Staff Director
                                 ------                                

                  COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

                   HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York         TOM LANTOS, California
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa                 HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska              GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 
DAN BURTON, Indiana                      Samoa
ELTON GALLEGLY, California           DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida         ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina       SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
DANA ROHRABACHER, California         CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California          EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
PETER T. KING, New York              BRAD SHERMAN, California
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio                   ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
AMO HOUGHTON, New York               JIM DAVIS, Florida
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York             ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina         WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana              GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado         BARBARA LEE, California
RON PAUL, Texas                      JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
NICK SMITH, Michigan                 JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania        EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon
DARRELL E. ISSA, California          SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada
ERIC CANTOR, Virginia                GRACE NAPOLITANO, California
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona                  ADAM B. SCHIFF, California
BRIAN D. KERNS, Indiana              DIANE E. WATSON, California
JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia
         Thomas E. Mooney, Sr., Staff Director/General Counsel
               Robert R. King, Democratic Staff Director
      Kristin Gilley, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel

                                  (ii)

  


                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

Foreword.........................................................   vii

Letter of Transmittal............................................    ix

Preface..........................................................    xi

Overview and Acknowledgments.....................................  xiii

Introduction.....................................................  xvii

                                Volume I

Africa:
    Angola.......................................................     1
    Benin........................................................    16
    Botswana.....................................................    25
    Burkina Faso.................................................    36
    Burundi......................................................    46
    Cameroon.....................................................    59
    Cape Verde...................................................    85
    Central African Republic.....................................    91
    Chad.........................................................   103
    Comoros......................................................   115
    Congo, Democratic Republic of................................   122
    Congo, Republic of...........................................   156
    Cote d'Ivoire................................................   166
    Djibouti.....................................................   193
    Equatorial Guinea............................................   204
    Eritrea......................................................   215
    Ethiopia.....................................................   228
    Gabon........................................................   253
    Gambia, The..................................................   262
    Ghana........................................................   272
    Guinea.......................................................   294
    Guinea-Bissau................................................   310
    Kenya........................................................   317
    Lesotho......................................................   345
    Liberia......................................................   353
    Madagascar...................................................   367
    Malawi.......................................................   374
    Mali.........................................................   382
    Mauritania...................................................   391
    Mauritius....................................................   407
    Mozambique...................................................   415
    Namibia......................................................   433
    Niger........................................................   446
    Nigeria......................................................   455
    Rwanda.......................................................   479
    Sao Tome and Principe........................................   493
    Senegal......................................................   496
    Seychelles...................................................   507
    Sierra Leone.................................................   513
    Somalia......................................................   524
    South Africa.................................................   537
    Sudan........................................................   557
    Swaziland....................................................   579
    Tanzania.....................................................   588
    Togo.........................................................   608
    Uganda.......................................................   622
    Zambia.......................................................   642
    Zimbabwe.....................................................   656

East Asia and the Pacific:
    Australia....................................................   683
    Brunei.......................................................   693
    Burma........................................................   700
    Cambodia.....................................................   723
    China (includes Hong Kong and Macau).........................   736
    China (Taiwan only)..........................................   824
    East Timor...................................................   836
    Fiji.........................................................   846
    Indonesia....................................................   858
    Japan........................................................   899
    Kiribati.....................................................   912
    Korea, Democratic People's Republic of.......................   914
    Korea, Republic of...........................................   927
    Laos.........................................................   938
    Malaysia.....................................................   950
    Marshall Islands.............................................   985
    Micronesia, Federated States of..............................   989
    Mongolia.....................................................   992
    Nauru........................................................   999
    New Zealand..................................................  1002
    Palau........................................................  1008
    Papua New Guinea.............................................  1012
    Philippines..................................................  1017
    Samoa........................................................  1036
    Singapore....................................................  1040
    Solomon Islands..............................................  1054
    Thailand.....................................................  1062
    Tonga........................................................  1076
    Tuvalu.......................................................  1079
    Vanuatu......................................................  1082
    Vietnam......................................................  1085

                               Volume II

Europe:
    Albania......................................................  1107
    Andorra......................................................  1118
    Armenia......................................................  1121
    Austria......................................................  1137
    Azerbaijan...................................................  1147
    Belarus......................................................  1164
    Belgium......................................................  1192
    Bosnia and Herzegovina.......................................  1200
    Bulgaria.....................................................  1223
    Croatia......................................................  1241
    Cyprus.......................................................  1260
    Czech Republic...............................................  1271
    Denmark......................................................  1290
    Estonia......................................................  1294
    Finland......................................................  1302
    France.......................................................  1306
    Georgia......................................................  1318
    Germany......................................................  1341
    Greece.......................................................  1355
    Hungary......................................................  1371
    Iceland......................................................  1383
    Ireland......................................................  1390
    Italy........................................................  1399
    Kazakhstan...................................................  1407
    Kyrgyzstan...................................................  1434
    Latvia.......................................................  1450
    Liechtenstein................................................  1457
    Lithuania....................................................  1462
    Luxembourg...................................................  1471
    Macedonia, former Yugoslav Republic of.......................  1474
    Malta........................................................  1485
    Moldova......................................................  1489
    Monaco.......................................................  1503
    Netherlands, The.............................................  1506
    Norway.......................................................  1513
    Poland.......................................................  1517
    Portugal.....................................................  1535
    Romania......................................................  1542
    Russia.......................................................  1555
    San Marino...................................................  1605
    Slovak Republic..............................................  1608
    Slovenia.....................................................  1621
    Spain........................................................  1626
    Sweden.......................................................  1637
    Switzerland..................................................  1645
    Tajikistan...................................................  1656
    Turkey.......................................................  1670
    Turkmenistan.................................................  1707
    Ukraine......................................................  1718
    United Kingdom...............................................  1742
    Uzbekistan...................................................  1760
    Yugoslavia, Federal Republic of..............................  1780

Near East and North Africa:
    Algeria......................................................  1823
    Bahrain......................................................  1836
    Egypt........................................................  1848
    Iran.........................................................  1869
    Iraq.........................................................  1890
    Israel and the occupied territories..........................  1908
    Jordan.......................................................  1950
    Kuwait.......................................................  1968
    Lebanon......................................................  1983
    Libya........................................................  1998
    Morocco......................................................  2007
    The Western Sahara...........................................  2050
    Oman.........................................................  2055
    Qatar........................................................  2064
    Saudi Arabia.................................................  2071
    Syria........................................................  2087
    Tunisia......................................................  2100
    United Arab Emirates.........................................  2120
    Yemen........................................................  2131

South Asia:
    Afghanistan..................................................  2157
    Bangladesh...................................................  2175
    Bhutan.......................................................  2201
    India........................................................  2212
    Maldives.....................................................  2263
    Nepal........................................................  2271
    Pakistan.....................................................  2286
    Sri Lanka....................................................  2325

Western Hemisphere
    Antigua and Barbuda..........................................  2351
    Argentina....................................................  2356
    Bahamas......................................................  2371
    Barbados.....................................................  2377
    Belize.......................................................  2383
    Bolivia......................................................  2390
    Brazil.......................................................  2403
    Canada.......................................................  2431
    Chile........................................................  2440
    Colombia.....................................................  2453
    Costa Rica...................................................  2498
    Cuba.........................................................  2506
    Dominica.....................................................  2526
    Dominican Republic...........................................  2530
    Ecuador......................................................  2551
    El Salvador..................................................  2563
    Grenada......................................................  2577
    Guatemala....................................................  2581
    Guyana.......................................................  2615
    Haiti........................................................  2625
    Honduras.....................................................  2642
    Jamaica......................................................  2662
    Mexico.......................................................  2671
    Nicaragua....................................................  2701
    Panama.......................................................  2719
    Paraguay.....................................................  2734
    Peru.........................................................  2745
    St. Kitts and Nevis..........................................  2776
    Saint Lucia..................................................  2779
    St. Vincent and the Grenadines...............................  2784
    Suriname.....................................................  2789
    Trinidad and Tobago..........................................  2796
    Uruguay......................................................  2802
    Venezuela....................................................  2809

Appendixes:
    A. Notes on preparation of the reports.......................  2829
    B. Reporting on worker rights................................  2831
    C. Selected international human rights conventions...........  2833
    D. Explanation of chart in Appendix C........................  2836
    E. FY 2000 U.S. economic and military assistance--actual 
      obligations................................................  2837
    F. 56th session of the U.N. Human Rights Commission voting 
      record.....................................................  2849
    G. 56th session of the U.N. Human Rights Commission voting 
      table......................................................  2851
    H. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights......  2854




                                FOREWORD

                              ----------                              

    The country reports on human rights practices contained 
herein were prepared by the Department of State in accordance 
with sections 116(d) and 502B(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act 
of 1961, as amended. They also fulfill the legislative 
requirements of section 505(c) of the Trade Act of 1974, as 
amended.
    The reports cover the human rights practices of all nations 
that are members of the United Nations and a few that are not. 
They are printed to assist Members of Congress in the 
consideration of legislation, particularly foreign assistance 
legislation.

                                       Jesse Helms,
                          Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations.

                                      Henry J. Hyde
                    Chairman, Committee on International Relations.

                                 (vii)

                                     




                         LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

                              ----------                              

                                       Department of State,
                                 Washington, DC, February 25, 2001.
Hon. Jesse Helms,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations.
    Dear Mr. Chairman: On behalf of the Secretary of State, I 
am transmitting to you the Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices for 2000, prepared in compliance with sections 
116(d)(1) and 502B(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as 
amended, and section 505(c) of the Trade Act of 1974, as 
amended.
    We hope this report is helpful. Please let us know if we 
can provide any further information.
            Sincerely,
                                    Barbara Larkin,
                          Assistant Secretary, Legislative Affairs.
    Enclosure.

                                  (ix)

                                     
                                PREFACE

                              ----------                              


                      HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS

    I am pleased to transmit to the United States Congress this 
25th edition of the Department of State's Country Reports on 
Human Rights Practices.
    For the past quarter of a century, these reports have grown 
in breadth and stature every year. As such they reflect our 
country's deep and abiding commitment to universal human rights 
and the unprecedented growth in democracy, freedom, and human 
rights throughout the world.
    The year 2000 saw many improvements in human rights--from 
the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria and Ghana to the 
defeat of an entrenched dictator in Serbia and the election of 
a new president in Mexico. At the same time, the continued 
deterioration of conditions in China and Cuba and the abusive 
policies pursued by the regimes in Iraq and Sudan and a number 
of other countries offer proof that the battle to promote 
universal human rights is far from finished. We who believe in 
human freedom and the rule of law must not lose sight of the 
challenges that lie before us.
    This year's report covers 195 countries. No country, our 
own included, can claim a perfect human rights record; nor 
should any seek exemption from international scrutiny. Each 
nation must be accountable for the way it treats its citizens. 
The purpose of these reports, therefore, is to provide to the 
best of our ability a comprehensive and accurate report on the 
human rights conditions in every country.
    The interest in these annual Country Reports can be seen in 
the hundreds of thousands of hits our web site at www.state.gov 
will receive from every part of the world over the next few 
days, and in the countless discussions, both public and 
private, that will follow. The Report for the year 2000 thus 
takes its place within the context of a new and revolutionary 
era of global human discourse. It is my deepest hope, 
therefore, that these reports can stimulate new dialogue and 
provide new encouragement for all countries to strengthen their 
commitments to universal human rights and fundamental freedoms.
    I would like to thank all those who had a hand in preparing 
this year's Country Reports--whether overseas or in the 
Department of State. Without their dedication and hard work, a 
report of this quality and scope would simply be impossible.
                                           Colin L. Powell,
                                                Secretary of State.

                      OVERVIEW AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

                              ----------                              


                      HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS

Why The Reports Are Prepared
    This report is submitted to the Congress by the Department 
of State in compliance with sections 116(d) and 502(b) of the 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (FAA), as amended, and section 
504 of the Trade Assistance Act of 1974, as amended. The law 
provides that the Secretary of State shall transmit to the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Committee on 
Foreign Relations of the Senate, by February 25 ``a full and 
complete report regarding the status of internationally 
recognized human rights, within the meaning of subsection (A) 
in countries that receive assistance under this part, and (B) 
in all other foreign countries which are members of the United 
Nations and which are not otherwise the subject of a human 
rights report under this Act.'' We have also included reports 
on several countries that do not fall into the categories 
established by these statutes and that thus are not covered by 
the congressional requirement.
    The responsibility of the United States to speak out on 
behalf of international human rights standards was formalized 
in the early 1970's. In 1976 Congress enacted legislation 
creating a Coordinator of Human Rights in the Department of 
State, a position later upgraded to Assistant Secretary. In 
1994 the Congress created a position of Senior Advisor for 
Women's Rights. Congress has also written into law formal 
requirements that U.S. foreign and trade policy take into 
account countries' human rights and worker rights performance 
and that country reports be submitted to the Congress on an 
annual basis. The first reports, in 1977, covered only 
countries receiving U.S. aid, numbering 82; this year 195 
reports are submitted.
How The Reports are Prepared
    In August 1993, the Secretary of State moved to strengthen 
further the human rights efforts of our embassies. All sections 
in each embassy were asked to contribute information and to 
corroborate reports of human rights violations, and new efforts 
were made to link mission programming to the advancement of 
human rights and democracy. In 1994 the Bureau of Human Rights 
and Humanitarian Affairs was reorganized and renamed as the 
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, reflecting both a 
broader sweep and a more focused approach to the interlocking 
issues of human rights, worker rights, and democracy. The 2000 
human rights reports reflect a year of dedicated effort by 
hundreds of State Department, Foreign Service, and other U.S. 
Government employees.
    Our embassies, which prepared the initial drafts of the 
reports, gathered information throughout the year from a 
variety of sources across the political spectrum, including 
government officials, jurists, military sources, journalists, 
human rights monitors, academics, and labor activists. This 
information-gathering can be hazardous, and U.S. Foreign 
Service Officers regularly go to great lengths, under trying 
and sometimes dangerous conditions, to investigate reports of 
human rights abuse, monitor elections, and come to the aid of 
individuals at risk, such as political dissidents and human 
rights defenders whose rights are threatened by their 
governments.
    After the embassies completed their drafts, the texts were 
sent to Washington for careful review by the Bureau of 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, in cooperation with other 
State Department offices. As they worked to corroborate, 
analyze, and edit the reports, the Department officers drew on 
their own sources of information. These included reports 
provided by U.S. and other human rights groups, foreign 
government officials, representatives from the United Nations 
and other international and regional organizations and 
institutions, and experts from academia and the media. Officers 
also consulted with experts on worker rights issues, refugee 
issues, military and police matters, women's issues, and legal 
matters. The guiding principle was to ensure that all relevant 
information was assessed as objectively, thoroughly, and fairly 
as possible.
    The reports in this volume will be used as a resource for 
shaping policy, conducting diplomacy, and making assistance, 
training, and other resource allocations. They also will serve 
as a basis for the U.S. Government's cooperation with private 
groups to promote the observance of internationally recognized 
human rights.
    The Country Reports on Human Rights Practices cover 
internationally recognized individual, civil, political, and 
worker rights, as set forth in the Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights. There rights include freedom from torture or 
other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; 
from prolonged detention without charges; from disappearance or 
clandestine detention; and from other flagrant violations of 
the right to life, liberty, and the security of the person.
    Universal human rights aim to incorporate respect for human 
dignity into the processes of government and law. All persons 
have the inalienable right to change their government by 
peaceful means and to enjoy basic freedoms, such as freedom of 
expression, association, assembly, movement, and religion, 
without discrimination on the basis of race, religion, national 
origin, or sex. The right to join a free trade union is a 
necessary condition of a free society and economy. Thus the 
reports assess key internationally recognized worker rights, 
including the right of association; the right to organize and 
bargain collectively; prohibition of forced or compulsory 
labor; the status of child labor practices and the minimum age 
for employment of children; and acceptable work conditions.
    Within the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 
the editorial staff of the Country Reports Team consists of: 
Editor in Chief--William E. Dilday; Editor in Chief Ex 
Officio--Marc J. Susser; Senior Advisor--Leslie A. Gerson; 
Managing Editor--Jeannette P. Dubrow; Technical Editor--Larry 
Arthur; Senior Editors--Frank B. Crump, Susan F. Kovalik, 
Gregory P. Moody, Diana D. Perry-Elby, Rachel D. Settlage; 
Editors--Sara M. Allinder, Stefanie R. Altman, Liana Brooks, 
Cynthia R. Bunton, Michelle Eyrich Day, Claire Ehmann, Imogen 
Fua, Stanley Ifshin, David T. Jones, Lisa N. Kaplan, Amy E. 
McKee, Martine K. Miller, Donald E. Parker, Jennifer M. 
Pekkinen, Yvette Saint-Andre, John J. Sheerin, Jolynn M. 
Shoemaker, James C. Todd, William J. Tomlyanovich, Stephen W. 
Worrel; Assistant Editors--Eric M. Barboriak, Melanne A. Civic, 
George T. Constantine, Douglas B. Dearborn, Thomas F. Farr, 
Carol G. Finerty, Stephen M. Epstein, Nancy Hewett, Peter 
Higgins, Alden H. Irons, Herman Keizer, Susan E. Keogh, Richard 
Marshall, Janet L. Mayland, Edmund McWilliams, Susan 
O'Sullivan, Maria B. Pica, Tamara J. Resler, Daniel J. Schuman, 
Christopher Sibilla, Wendy B. Silverman, Danika Walters, James 
D. Wulff; Editorial Assistants--Phillip L. Antweiler, Timothy 
Brittingham, Paige E. Chabora, Andrew Chen, Lewis K. Elbinger, 
Charles W. Evans, Dr. Sudha Haley, Rashid U. Haq, Kristy L. 
Hofkens, Adrienne Lauson, David G. Leyden, Coleman Mehta, 
Philip A. Mirrer-Singer, Mark N. Templeton, Steven A. 
Wagenseil, Melissa A. Waters, Gerri L. Williams, Anne Zollner; 
Technical Support--Mitchell R. Brown.

 INTRODUCTION TO THE COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR THE 
                               YEAR 2000

                              ----------                              


               I. The 25th Edition of the Country Reports

    For the past quarter of a century, the Country Reports on 
Human Rights Practices have chronicled the ebb and flow of 
human rights, bearing witness to the conditions that affect 
people's lives in every nation of the world. Yet despite all 
the suffering--or perhaps because of it--the cause of human 
rights is stronger now than ever.
    The expansion of democracy and human freedom that the world 
has experienced over the past 25 years has many causes. This 
expansion rests on the fundamental belief that there are rights 
and freedoms to which every human is entitled no matter where 
he or she resides. This idea is so powerful and so universal 
that it gains strength with every passing year.
    The primary focus of the Country Reports always has been 
events in the countries that the reports cover. If newspapers 
are the first drafts of history, the reports are surely the 
second drafts, carefully researched cross-sections of the good 
and bad that transpire around the world every year. But the 
reports are not just history. They are documents backed by the 
full weight of the U.S. people and Government. They speak for 
those who have no voice, bearing witness for those who have not 
had access to free trials, nor have enjoyed other fundamental 
human rights and protections. As the reports have done since 
their first appearance in March 1977, they represent the 
nation's commitment to respect for universal human rights and 
its interest in promoting these rights in every country of the 
world. The reports are a tangible manifestation of the 
Department of State's intense focus on human rights issues.

                         II. The Year in Review

    The year saw a number of advances in human rights, 
democracy, and fundamental freedoms. The Yugoslav people voted 
Slobodan Milosevic out of office in September, ending more than 
a decade of authoritarian rule and offering hope for a new, 
more tolerant and democratic era in Yugoslavia. Nigeria 
continued to make progress in its transition to democracy, 
while a peaceful transfer of authority took place in Ghana 
following generally free and fair elections. Ethiopia and 
Eritrea signed a peace accord in December, ending a conflict 
that created at least a million internally displaced civilians 
in both countries. The election of Vicente Fox marked the first 
time in modern Mexican history that a member of an opposition 
party was elected President. Peru's decision to renew its 
acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the Inter-American 
Court of Human Rights appeared to represent a renewed 
commitment to the rule of law. And South Korean President Kim 
Dae Jung's engagement policy led to some easing of tensions 
with North Korea.
    U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan reiterated the United 
Nation's support for the promotion of human rights and 
instructed its agencies to place emphasis on both reporting and 
programming initiatives that strengthened respect for human 
rights. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former 
Yugoslavia continued to try alleged war criminals, including a 
war crimes trial based on charges of rape and other sexual 
violence. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda also 
continued to try persons for genocide-related crimes. At the 
regional level, a number of institutions continued to work to 
strengthen democratic norms and practices. The Organization of 
African Unity denied a seat at its summit to Cote d'Ivoire due 
to its 1999 coup. The Organization of American States (OAS) 
sent a mission to Peru in the wake of elections that 
international and domestic observers deemed to be seriously 
flawed. The Government subsequently announced new elections 
that are scheduled to take place in April 2001. The OAS mission 
also sponsored a dialog among government, opposition 
politicians, and civil society representatives aimed at 
reforming the country's beleaguered democratic institutions. 
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe engaged 
in active and public human rights reporting in Kosovo and 
monitored elections in a number of countries. A number of 
member states of the Council of Europe began to publish reports 
of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture.
    At the international level, the global spread of democracy 
was affirmed in both governmental and nongovernmental arenas. 
The Governments of over 100 countries that have chosen a 
democratic path and that represent every region of the world, 
level of development, and various historical experiences, 
convened a June ministerial meeting in Warsaw, Poland, under 
the rubric of a Community of Democracies. Participants endorsed 
the Warsaw Declaration, which committed their Governments to 
uphold democratic principles and practices. The Community of 
Democracies meeting sought to enhance cooperation among 
participating Governments through several avenues, including an 
informal caucus at the U.N. General Assembly to share 
information and support democracy-related issues and 
resolutions within the U.N. system.
    At the same time these positive trends took place, China's 
poor human rights record worsened during the year, as the 
authorities intensified their harsh measures against 
underground Christian groups and Tibetan Buddhists, destroyed 
many houses of worship, and stepped up their campaign against 
the Falun Gong movement. China also sharply suppressed 
organized dissent. In Burma the military continued its severe 
repression, holding Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for 
much of the year, detaining her supporters, imprisoning many 
religious believers, and coercing numerous persons, including 
children, into forced labor. North Korea's situation remained 
among the worst in the world: The Government stifled all 
dissent and widely curtailed freedom of religion, political 
prisoners were held in forced labor camps, and malnutrition 
remained widespread. In Afghanistan the Taliban continued to be 
a major violator of human rights, severely restricting women's 
and girls' access to education, medical facilities, and 
employment. Iraq remained under the complete domination of one 
of the world's most repressive regimes, as security forces 
routinely executed, tortured, beat, raped, or otherwise 
intimidated and abused any perceived political opponents. 
Cuba's overall human rights record remained poor, as the 
Government retained tight surveillance over anyone considered a 
potential opponent. The human rights situation in Belarus 
worsened in a number of areas, as the Lukashenko regime took 
severe measures to neutralize political opponents and repressed 
all calls for democracy. Turkmenistan remained one of the most 
totalitarian countries in the world, as the Committee on 
National Security maintained tight control over the country, 
and a personality cult centered around President Saparmurat 
Niyazov continued. In Israel and the occupied territories, 
following the outbreak of violence in September, Israeli 
security forces sometimes used excessive force in contravention 
of their own rules of engagement, killing approximately 300 
Palestinians and injuring thousands in response to violent 
demonstrations and other clashes in Israel, the West Bank, and 
Gaza. Palestinian security forces and members of Fatah's Tanzim 
killed numerous Israeli soldiers and civilians in the cycle of 
violence.
    Continuing internal conflict marred the human rights 
situation in a number of countries. In Colombia both 
paramilitary and guerrilla groups continued to commit acts of 
violence and other serious abuses in many parts of the country, 
with numerous massacres of civilians and the murder, kidnaping, 
and intimidation of human rights defenders, trade unionists, 
journalists, and other targeted groups. War, exacerbated by 
external intervention, continued to wrack the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo, enabling perpetrators of human rights 
violations to enjoy virtual impunity in large portions of the 
country. The Government of Sudan continued its bombing of 
civilian population centers, support for slave taking, and 
forced religious conversions, while preventing international 
humanitarian assistance from reaching large portions of the 
country. Numerous credible reports of human rights abuses by 
Russian forces in Chechnya, which included extrajudicial 
killings, torture, and rape, provoked widespread condemnation 
and calls for accountability; the Chechens committed numerous 
abuses as well, such as the execution of prisoners. In 
Indonesia security forces were responsible for numerous 
instances of indiscriminate shootings of civilians, torture, 
beatings, and other abuses in Aceh, Irian Jaya, and elsewhere, 
and the Government was ineffective in deterring social, 
interethnic, and interreligious violence in the Moluccas and 
Sulawesi.

        III. Developments in Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor

    Global Democratic Trends: The year witnessed new strides 
towards the globalization of democracy. Many, if not most, 
governments, civil society leaders, and multilateral 
institutions now pursue and promote open economies and freer 
societies. A majority of people in the world now live in 
democratic countries or countries that have begun to implement 
some democratic and political reforms. The overall trend 
remains one of positive, incremental change, despite some 
reversals.
    Elections bolstered democratic transitions in Croatia, 
Ghana, Mexico, Suriname, and Yugoslavia during the year. An 
active civil society and increasingly independent media helped 
to ensure the success and transparency of these elections. 
Setbacks included continuing conflict in the Middle East and 
Africa, a coup in Fiji, and a breakdown of the Government and 
law and order in the Solomon Islands. In China, despite 
widespread Government abuses, important aspects of civil 
society continued to develop. Seriously flawed elections took 
place in other countries, most notably in Azerbaijan, 
Kyrgyzstan, Cote d'Ivoire, and Haiti.
    On the nongovernmental side, increased global networking 
among organizations and private citizens mirrored the growth of 
active civil societies at the national level. The World Forum 
on Democracy, held jointly with the Warsaw Community of 
Democracies Ministerial in June, brought together an 
unprecedented international gathering of scholars, civic, 
religious, labor, and business leaders to assess the challenges 
to democracy. The Forum provided to the ministerial assembly 
recommendations that included convening the informal caucus of 
democracies that was launched at the United Nations in the 
fall. Representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) 
from over 80 countries also met in Sao Paulo during November to 
consider how to meet the challenges to democracy. They 
developed a list of practical steps NGO's could take in their 
own countries to support the democratic process.
    Integrity of the Person: In Algeria reports of abuses such 
as torture and arbitrary detention continued to decrease during 
the year; however, extrajudicial killings by security forces 
and terrorist groups claimed the lives of many hundreds of 
persons. The torture of political opponents is widespread in 
Uzbekistan. Cameroon's security forces reportedly killed many 
dozens of persons over a 6-month period in the city of Douala, 
and the abuse of detainees throughout the country remained 
endemic. The brutality associated with the Revolutionary United 
Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone abated somewhat; however, there 
continued to be reports of serious abuses, such as 
extrajudicial killings, rapes, and beatings in the 60 percent 
of the country that the Government does not control. The RUF 
also committed human rights abuses in Guinea. The Libyan 
government resorted to intimidation to control the political 
opposition, as security forces arbitrarily arrested and 
detained individuals who frequently were held incommunicado or 
tortured.
    Press Freedom: Freedom of the press remains nonexistent in 
such countries as Cuba, Iraq, Libya, and Turkmenistan. There 
were severe restrictions on the press in Sudan, Uzbekistan, and 
China, except in Hong Kong. The disappearance of Ukrainian 
Georhiy Gongadze, whose alleged remains were found late in the 
year, raised serious concern about press freedom in Ukraine. In 
Russia Kremlin efforts to gain control over a major independent 
television network posed a threat to hard-won press freedom as 
well. In Iran dozens of newspaper offices were closed, and a 
number of Iran's most prominent journalists and editors were 
arrested or harassed as hard-line elements within the 
Government sought to silence their critics. However, there was 
some easing of press restrictions in Syria, and the press in a 
number of countries in North Africa continued to demonstrate 
more freedom.
    Religious Freedom: The year saw the continuation of 
religious repression and discrimination in every region of the 
world. Based on the Department's Annual Report on International 
Religious Freedom 2000 (issued in September and covering the 
period July 1999 through June 2000), all five countries 
designated as ``countries of particular concern'' by the 
Secretary of State in 1999--Burma, China, Iran, Iraq, and 
Sudan--were redesignated. This designation reflects the 
particularly severe violations of religious freedom by the 
Governments of those countries. In each the situation remained 
serious; in some--notably China--religious repression 
increased.
    In Uzbekistan, despite the release of some religious 
prisoners, the Government continued to incarcerate and abuse 
others because of their religious beliefs and practices. In 
particular some Muslims were vulnerable to mistreatment because 
of their alleged association with terrorists. The Government of 
Turkmenistan failed to allow non-Sunni Muslims and non-Russian 
Orthodox Christian believers to register, despite earlier 
promises to do so, and continued its crackdown on Protestant 
worshipers and its suppression of practitioners of other faiths 
for not being registered. In Russia there were concerns about 
the uniform implementation by local officials of federal 
regulations requiring the reregistration of religious groups 
and organizations. In Georgia there was increased 
discrimination against some religious minorities, including 
Jehovah's Witnesses. In Laos some religious prisoners were 
released, but the practice by certain local officials of 
forcing Christians to sign renunciations of their faith 
continued, as did the harsh treatment of Christians in prison.
    In Saudi Arabia non-Muslim public worship is prohibited, 
and the Government detained and subsequently deported several 
persons whom it considered to have violated the prohibition. 
The Government supports the Sunni Muslim majority, and 
discrimination against members of the Shi'a minority persists. 
Pakistan's blasphemy law continued to be abused and directed 
against the country's religious minorities, in particular the 
Ahmadiya and Christian communities. In Europe some states have 
adopted or are considering discriminatory legislation or 
policies that tend to stigmatize expressions of religious faith 
by certain groups by wrongfully associating them with dangerous 
``sects'' or ``cults.''
    On a more positive note, religious life in a number of 
countries of the New Independent States continued to progress 
during the year, as some governments tried with varying degrees 
of success to bring local and regional officials into line with 
national policy. In Azerbaijan the treatment of religious 
groups continued to improve, as it has since President Aliyev's 
public commitment to religious liberty in 1999.
    Women: The year saw women's human rights attract more 
international attention than in the past, but actual gains 
worldwide were limited. In Egypt women were granted the right 
to divorce on grounds of incompatibility. In Rwanda a law was 
passed that improves women's rights in inheritance, family 
matters, and credit. Despite some progress made in these and 
other areas, serious problems remain. In many parts of Africa, 
female genital mutilation continued to damage the physical and 
psychological health of women and girls. Societal 
discrimination prevented women in many countries from taking 
advantage of economic opportunities. In Afghanistan the 
Taliban's restrictions on education and work continued to 
confine women to the home. Traditional patriarchal societies 
continued to devalue women and girls. In China coercive family 
planning practices continued to harm women and female children, 
despite some government experimentation with noncoercive 
practices. In a number of countries in the Middle East and 
South Asia, so-called honor killings and dowry deaths continued 
to be major problems.
    Violence against women remained a pervasive problem, 
cutting across social and economic lines. Domestic and sexual 
violence against women is found on every continent. While 
governments publicly condemned violence against women, too few 
took concrete steps to address it.
    Children: Children are among the most vulnerable of any 
group in society and face particular threats to their human 
rights. Around the world, children face dangerous and unhealthy 
conditions, working in factories, fields, and sweatshops, as 
domestic servants, or, in some cases, as prostitutes. The 
trafficking of children for forced labor, prostitution, and 
pornography is a growing and lucrative business for criminals. 
In many cities large numbers of street children lack shelter, 
food, education, and support and are vulnerable to many forms 
of abuse, despite the best efforts of governments and NGO's. In 
countries such as Colombia, Sri Lanka, Sierra Leone, and 
Uganda, armed rebels force children to serve as soldiers or 
recruit them with promises or threats. In many countries, 
children are denied access to education--in some cases because 
they cannot afford the fees for books and uniforms, in others 
because they must work to support their families--thereby 
severely reducing their chances for a better life. Many 
governments deny girls the opportunity to attend school or 
complete their schooling.
    Some improvements in the lives of children took place 
during the year, as some governments took steps to aid children 
and strengthen protection of their rights. For example, in 
Venezuela some 500,000 children attended school for the first 
time when the Government prohibited registration fees. The 
Government of Tunisia sponsors an immunization program that 
targets preschool age children and reports that over 95 percent 
of children are vaccinated. At the end of the year, the 
Moroccan UNICEF chapter and the National Observatory of 
Children's Rights began a human rights awareness campaign 
regarding the plight of child maids that received widespread 
media exposure. The Minister of Justice in Benin established a 
National Commission for Children's Rights, which held its 
initial session in July; the Benin Government also has made 
serious efforts to combat child abuse and trafficking in 
children. In March several government agencies in the 
Philippines signed a memorandum of agreement on the handling 
and treatment of children involved in armed conflict, which 
treats child insurgents as victims to be rescued and 
rehabilitated, rather than as enemies to be neutralized and 
prosecuted. The United Nations opened two important documents 
for signature during the year: the Optional Protocol to the 
Convention on the Rights of the Child Concerning Children in 
Armed Conflict and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on 
the Rights of the Child Concerning the Sale of the Child. NGO's 
also are extremely active in the field of children's rights 
throughout the world, advocating legal reform and providing 
services.
    Worker Rights: During the year, there were countervailing 
negative and positive trends affecting worker rights. Among the 
positive developments, over 50 countries ratified the 
International Labor Organization's (ILO) Convention on the 
Worst Forms of Child Labor (Convention 182), the most rapid 
international approval for any convention in the organization's 
81-year history. The U.S. Trade and Development Act of 2000 
encouraged international community ratification of the 
convention by linking ratification to continued eligibility for 
Generalized System of Preferences status. The act also 
incorporated worker rights criteria into trade preference 
eligibility for African and Caribbean Basin programs.
    For the first time, the ILO adopted a resolution that 
called for measures to secure compliance with fundamental 
worker rights. In November the ILO's Governing Body judged that 
the Government of Burma had not taken effective action to deal 
with the ``widespread and systematic'' use of forced labor. It 
called on all ILO member states to take appropriate measures to 
ensure that Burma does not perpetuate or extend its system of 
forced or compulsory labor.
    Among negative trends during the year was the impunity with 
which a dramatically increasing number of trade unionists were 
killed, tortured, and intimidated in Colombia. Elsewhere a 
growing trend toward the negotiation of individual contracts 
between companies and workers and the resort to the formation 
of ``cooperatives'' in place of trade unions deprived workers 
of the protection afforded by union representation and of 
protection under national labor legislation.
    Trafficking in Persons: Trafficking in persons poses a 
serious challenge to human rights. This rapidly growing global 
problem affects countries and families on every continent. 
Traffickers prey upon women, children, and men from all walks 
of life, and of every age, religion, and culture. Traffickers 
particularly exploit women and children who suffer from poverty 
and are marginalized within their own societies--the most 
vulnerable segments of the population. Trafficking has grown 
significantly in recent years and serves as one of the leading 
sources of revenue for international criminal organizations--in 
part because it is low-risk and high-profit. In some countries, 
local police and immigration and customs officials are involved 
or complicit in trafficking. Traffickers deprive their victims 
of their basic human dignity, subject them to inhuman and 
degrading treatment, and treat them as chattel that can be 
bought and sold into forced and bonded labor across 
international and within national borders. Victims often find 
themselves in a strange country, unable to speak the language, 
and without identification or documentation. Many are subject 
to violent and brutal treatment by their captors. Some come 
from countries in which the police and other authorities are a 
source of repression rather than a source of help, and they are 
reluctant to seek assistance. Many are threatened with 
retribution against themselves or their families should they 
try to escape. Many victims face additional risks from 
dangerous working conditions, including the threat of harm from 
exposure to dangerous pesticides or sexually transmitted 
diseases.
    The underground nature of trafficking makes it difficult to 
quantify. Reliable estimates range from 700,000 to 2 million 
persons trafficked globally each year. Victims are trafficked 
into sweatshop labor, prostitution, domestic servitude, unsafe 
agricultural labor, construction work, restaurant work, and 
various forms of modern-day slavery. Governments around the 
world have taken steps to combat these heinous practices, 
enacting legislation to criminalize trafficking and strengthen 
penalties against it, and taking steps to aid victims. In 
December 81 countries signed the Trafficking in Persons 
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in 
Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the U.N. 
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. More 
countries are expected to sign the Trafficking Protocol in the 
coming months. NGO's are especially active in the 
antitrafficking field; their efforts globally include awareness 
campaigns, the provision of medical and psychological support 
and shelter for victims, as well as job training.
    Corporate Responsibility: In recent years, partnerships 
among governments, businesses, and civil society to promote 
human rights, support civil society, and address corporate 
responsibility needs have expanded. Two of the best-known 
examples are the Sullivan Principles and the U.N. Global 
Compact, which encourage corporations, on a voluntary basis, to 
recognize international human rights, labor, and environmental 
standards. During the year, a group of major oil, mining, and 
energy companies; human rights and corporate responsibility 
organizations; and an international trade union federation 
worked with the U.S. and British Governments to forge a set of 
voluntary principles on security and human rights. The 
principles provide a mechanism for a continuing dialog on 
important security and human rights issues.

                IV. History of the Human Rights Reports

    The first edition of the Country Reports was a product of 
its times. While the United States had been at the forefront of 
the international human rights movement since the end of World 
War II and the creation of the United Nations, the Cold War and 
the gradual ending of colonialism dominated the first decades 
of that movement. However, the early 1970s gave rise in the 
Congress and throughout the country to new concepts and 
measures of accountability. An important force behind this 
changing environment was an ever-growing community of NGO's 
whose global outlook, commitment to human rights, and access to 
the media helped shape public opinion and government 
decisionmaking.
    In 1973 Representative Donald Fraser held hearings on human 
rights in the Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on 
International Organizations. That same year, a sense of 
Congress resolution was passed urging the Nixon Administration 
to link U.S. foreign assistance programs to respect for human 
rights within those recipient countries. The Congress amended 
the Foreign Assistance Act 3 years later to require the 
Secretary of State to transmit to Congress ``a full and 
complete report'' every year concerning ``respect for 
internationally recognized human rights in each country 
proposed as a recipient of security assistance.''
    Thus in March 1977, the first volume of Country Reports was 
submitted to Congress. The report covered 82 countries. Because 
it focused on nations with whom the United States had formal 
security assistance programs, most of them were longstanding 
allies and friends. The initial report was brief--only 143 
pages--and at the end of each entry was a rating, taken from 
Freedom House, judging whether the country was free, partly 
free, or not free.
    Like any innovation, the new report had its critics. To 
some the very existence of such a document harmed relations 
with the very nations with which the United States had 
established the best ties. To others the report fell short of 
full disclosure. Such criticism has helped improve the reports 
ever since. They now cover virtually every country of the world 
and include a level of detail that would have stunned earlier 
readers.
    For the 1978 report, 33 additional countries that received 
U.S. economic assistance were added to the original 82. The 
next year, the Foreign Assistance Act was amended again to 
require an entry on each member of the United Nations. The 1979 
report thus expanded to 854 pages and covered 154 countries, 
including for the first time discussions of Cuba, the Soviet 
Union, and the People's Republic of China.
    By then the basic format of the report had been 
established, although it would undergo many modifications over 
time. The first section was Respect for the Integrity of the 
Person, and it included, as it still does, subsections on 
torture; cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; 
arbitrary arrest or imprisonment; denial of fair public trial; 
and invasion of the home. The second section was entitled 
Government Policies Relating to the Fulfillment of such Vital 
Needs as Food, Shelter, and Health Care. Third was Respect for 
Civil and Political Liberties. This section included separate 
subsections on freedom of speech, press, religion, and 
assembly; freedom of movement within the country for travel and 
immigration; and freedom to participate in the political 
process. Fourth was Government Attitude and Record Regarding 
International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged 
Violations of Human Rights.
    In 1980 a subsection was added on disappearances. The 
following year's report saw a recasting of the section on 
fulfillment of vital needs as Economic and Social 
Circumstances. The 1982 report added subsections on political 
and extrajudicial killing and disappearances and expanded the 
discussions on freedom of speech and the press, peaceful 
assembly, religion, movement, and the political process. The 
following year, the right of citizens to change their 
government was added. In 1986 a new section entitled 
Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Language, or 
Social Status was introduced, along with another section on the 
Status of Labor.
    In 1989 a subsection was added on the use of excessive 
force and violations of human rights in internal conflicts. The 
labor section was revised to include specific discussions of 
the right of association, the right to organize and bargain 
collectively, minimum age for employment of children, and 
acceptable conditions of labor. The 1993 report saw an 
expansion of the discrimination section to include specific 
discussions of the rights of women, children, the indigenous, 
people with disabilities, and national, racial, and ethnic 
minorities. In 1993 the reports appeared on the Department of 
State's web site for the first time, an event that dramatically 
increased the number of individuals who had immediate access to 
them. Additional coverage on refugees and asylum was added 3 
years later. In 1997 the subsection on forced and bonded child 
labor was upgraded substantially. In 1998 the report was 
published for the first time in two volumes.
    Later in 1998, Congress passed the International Religious 
Freedom Act, which mandated annual reports on the state of 
international religious freedom in every country. The first of 
these reports appeared in September 1999, the same year that 
Congress requested that a new section be added to the reports 
on trafficking in persons. The reports that year also included 
a new focus on access to political prisoners and genocide.
                                 Michael E. Parmly,
                       Acting Assistant Secretary of State,
                      Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.


                                 AFRICA

                              ----------                              


                                 ANGOLA

    The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has ruled 
the country since its independence from Portugal in 1975. The country's 
competing independence movements began a civil war immediately after 
independence, which lasted until the signing of the Bicesse Accords in 
1991. Under the Bicesse Accords, one-party rule ended with the passage 
of a new Constitution that legalized opposition parties and called for 
U.N.-monitored elections which were held in 1992. President Jose 
Eduardo Dos Santos of the MPLA won a plurality of the votes cast in an 
election that U.N. observers considered free and fair. The National 
Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), under the 
leadership of Jonas Savimbi, rejected the results of the vote and 
resumed the civil war. In 1994 in an effort to end the civil war, the 
Government and UNITA signed the Lusaka Protocol, which called for the 
demilitarization of UNITA, the creation of a national army, the seating 
of a government of national unity and reconciliation, and the extension 
of state administration to areas formerly under UNITA control. The 
Government generally complied with its obligations under the protocol, 
although the conduct of the police and, to a lesser extent, military 
units in former UNITA areas drew widespread criticism. UNITA failed to 
comply with several fundamental aspects of the protocol. It maintained 
a significant military capability, and it refused to surrender to state 
administration the territory it held. At the end of 1998, fighting 
resumed between the Government and Jonas Savimbi's armed faction of 
UNITA. A splinter group of UNITA called UNITA-Renovada and another 
larger peaceful faction of UNITA both rejected war; during the year, 
the two groups continued to pursue their goals through peaceful 
political activity, including as members of the National Assembly. In 
late 1999, a massive offensive by the Angolan armed forces (FAA) 
destroyed the conventional military capacity of UNITA, and by January 
drove the rebels from their heartland on the central plateau into the 
country's far east and into scattered pockets elsewhere. By March the 
FAA had consolidated its military control of most of the nation's 
territory; however, UNITA reorganized itself as a guerrilla force and 
carried out ambushes or attacks on lightly defended targets. In June 
1999, the National Assembly voted to postpone new elections 
indefinitely due to the renewal of conflict; during the year, the 
Government stated its intention to hold elections in 2001, but later 
postponed them until 2002. The judiciary, where it functions, is 
subject to the influence of the President and the MPLA in practice.
    The Ministry of Interior is responsible for internal security, a 
function that it exercises through the Angolan National Police (ANP), 
the Rapid Intervention Police (PIR), which was created in 1992 as an 
elite paramilitary force, and other organs of state security. The Armed 
Forces of Angola (FAA) are responsible for protecting the State against 
external threats and have intervened in regional conflicts every year 
since 1996. The FAA claimed that it had integrated more than 10,000 
UNITA soldiers since the 1999 fall offensive. With the resumption of 
localized hostilities within the country, the FAA became involved in 
counterinsurgency operations against UNITA. The FAA also is involved in 
similar operations, although on a smaller scale, against the Front for 
the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Armed Forces of Cabinda (FLEC-
FAC). The Government's security forces remain firmly under civilian 
leadership. Security forces committed numerous, serious human rights 
abuses.
    The security factors that inhibited the country's transition to 
full multiparty democracy had a similar effect on the country's 
transition from a directed, state-dominated economic system to one 
based on market principles. Forty percent of the budget remains 
dedicated to defense (or 22 percent of gross domestic product (GDP)). 
The economy was in disarray and despite abundant natural resources, 
output per capita is extremely low. Angola produces more than 750,000 
barrels of oil per day, a total that is expected to rise to over 1 
million by the end of 2002. Due to its control of oil revenues, the 
parastatal oil company Sonangol plays a dominant role in both the 
economy and government. The country produced an estimated $600 million 
worth of diamonds in the areas controlled by the Government. There also 
are lucrative untapped mineral, agricultural, and hydroelectric 
resources in the country; however, corruption and mismanagement are 
pervasive in the public sector and widespread in the private sector. 
The Government has begun to liberalize its import regimes and reform 
its regulatory agencies to better allow the importation of the goods 
and services on which the economy depends. Annual per capita GDP was 
approximately $450. The country's wealth continued to be concentrated 
in the hands of a small elite who often used government positions for 
massive personal enrichment, and corruption continued to be a common 
practice at all levels. The average monthly salary of urban wage 
earners (approximately 20 percent of the labor force) was far below 
what is required for basic subsistence, and rural wages are even lower 
because the majority of the rural economy is dependent on subsistence 
agriculture and is highly vulnerable to political unrest.
    The Government's human rights record remained poor; although there 
were some improvements in a few areas, serious problems remain. 
Citizens have no effective means to change their government. Members of 
the security forces committed extrajudicial killings, were responsible 
for disappearances, and tortured, beat, raped and otherwise abused 
persons. The Government often failed to pay the salaries of the 
majority of its security service personnel. The poor discipline and 
poor working conditions of the police force made it the worst offender; 
military units generally have better discipline and a more effective 
chain of command. Other than those personnel assigned to elite units, 
the Government gives tacit permission for security personnel to 
supplement their income--through the extortion of the civilian 
population. Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening. The 
Government routinely used arbitrary arrest and detention, and lengthy 
pretrial detention is a problem. Although the Government made some 
efforts to discipline members of the security services for abuses, the 
Government often did not punish those in the security services who were 
responsible for abuses. The judiciary is subject to executive 
influence, only functions in certain parts of the country, and does not 
ensure due process. The legal code and rules of procedure remain 
outdated. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights and 
forcibly recruited military-age males. The Government at times 
restricted freedom of speech and of the press, and intimidated 
journalists into practicing self-censorship. A Government crackdown on 
the independent media continued until March and resulted in the 
harassment, arrest, detention, and trials of journalists; however, by 
April the Government expanded the limits of public expression in most 
areas of the country. The Government restricted freedom of assembly. 
The Government restricted association and movement; however, it allowed 
some peaceful public protest. The Government continued to limit 
independent investigations of human rights abuses, although it allowed 
international human rights organizations, including Amnesty 
International, to conduct research in the country. Violence and 
discrimination against women were common; adult and child prostitution 
are problems; and children and the disabled continued to suffer as a 
result of the ongoing conflict and poor economic conditions. The 
Government continues to dominate the labor movement and restricts 
workers' rights, although there were improvements in the independent 
labor sector. Forced labor, including forced child labor, is a problem.
    The armed faction of UNITA under Savimbi was responsible for 
numerous, serious abuses during the year; the other two factions of 
UNITA were not responsible for abuses. The armed UNITA forces, under 
the control of Jonas Savimbi, were responsible for killings, 
disappearances, torture, rape, and other abuses. UNITA military units 
reportedly pillaged rural areas, depopulated parts of the country, 
killed traditional leaders, and eliminated all opposition, real or 
potential. UNITA prevented freedom of speech, the press, assembly, 
association, and movement. UNITA refused all attempts to conduct 
investigations in areas under its control. UNITA continued forced 
military recruitment, including of underage males, and used forced 
labor for a large part of its local-level logistical support. The 
sexual abuse of women conscripted to work as porters was common in 
UNITA areas.

                        RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom 
        From:
    a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing.--Security forces 
committed extrajudicial killings. Police participated in shakedowns, 
muggings, and carjackings. There were reports that army units engaged 
in a scorched earth policy during the year, burning villages and 
killing civilians in Cuando Cubango and Lunda Sul provinces. There were 
also reports that soldiers summarily executed civilians.
    There were reports that Government soldiers killed civilians in 
Namibia. After Namibia decided in December 1999 to allow FAA to launch 
anti-UNITA attacks from Namibian territory, there was extensive cross-
border fighting which resulted in civilian deaths and injuries. FAA 
soldiers killed a number of Namibian civilians during the year. On 
January 22, an FAA member killed Thadeus Mubili in Mushangara in 
western Caprivi. No further information was available on the case at 
year's end. On May 27, an FAA member killed Thaddeus Vili at Bagani 
near the Kavango and Caprivi regions. An FAA member was arrested by 
police in Namibia; there was no further information available on the 
case at year's end. In July the army executed two Namibian civilians 
and injured another.
    Some individual members of the FAA reportedly also committed 
summary executions in the Republic of the Congo.
    Prison conditions are life threatening due to inadequate food, 
medicine, and sanitation, and many prisoners died in official custody 
(see Section 1.c.).
    In December 1999, there was an unconfirmed report that the FAA 
killed 47 civilians during operations in the Lunda Sul province. There 
was no investigation into the incident nor was any action taken by 
year's end. In February 1999, government forces reportedly killed 
several civilians after retaking the town of Mbanza Congo from UNITA. 
There was no investigation into the incident nor action taken by year's 
end.
    There were no investigations into, nor was any action taken against 
those responsible for the extrajudicial killings of more than 40 
persons during 1998, including the UNITA provincial secretary in Xa-
Cessau, the UNITA communal secretary of Quibaxe, and the local UNITA 
secretary of Cangundu.
    Numerous localities changed hands during the year, a process that 
often involved the extrajudicial killing of government or UNITA 
administrators and persons accused of collaboration. Internally 
displaced persons and refugees risked their lives to flee to 
government-held areas or neighboring countries. Undocumented Congolese 
workers in diamond fields were targeted by government or UNITA forces 
seeking to take control of alluvial diamond mining operations. An 
unknown number of civilians died in the course of engagements between 
the security services and insurgents, particularly in the Central 
Highlands and in the northwest. Strong anecdotal information suggested 
that both sides summarily executed prisoners of war (POW's).
    On January 12, over 100 persons reportedly were killed in Bie 
province. Although there were unconfirmed reports that UNITA killed 150 
persons while passing through the area, other observers claimed that 
these persons were killed by the Government for being too sympathetic 
to UNITA. There were reports that at least one mass grave was 
discovered in the area, which the Government attributed to UNITA.
    During the year, there was a conviction in the case of the 1996 
killing of state-television reporter Antonio Casimiro (see Section 
2.a.).
    UNITA used landmines in Namibia, which resulted in dozens of deaths 
and numerous injuries of civilians and security force officers. At the 
end of September, the Government reported that more than 130 persons 
had been killed or injured by landmines in Namibia. Landmine explosions 
killed at least 10 civilians and injured 36 others in the Kavango 
region of the country by the end of June.
    Both Government and UNITA forces continued to use antipersonnel 
landmines (see Section 1.g.). According to the National Institute for 
the Removal of Explosive Obstacles and Devices, a government agency, 
100 persons were killed and 327 were injured by landmine explosions 
during the first half of the year; most of the incidents occurred in 
areas that had been mined by UNITA. There was an unconfirmed report 
that on February 17, 10 persons were killed and 18 were injured when a 
truck hit an antitank mine. In April 33 persons were killed and 17 
injured, including two young children, in two landmine attacks in the 
province of Uige. The Government blamed UNITA rebels for the deaths.
    UNITA military units reportedly pillaged rural areas, depopulated 
parts of the country, killed traditional leaders, and eliminated all 
opposition, real or potential. UNITA troops committed numerous 
extrajudicial killings during attacks on villages. Interviews with many 
refugees indicated that UNITA committed abuses, including public 
extrajudicial killings, as a deliberate policy. On February 6, UNITA 
shelled and attacked Santa Clara in Cunene province; at least 26 
civilians were killed and more than 40 were injured. There was an 
unconfirmed report that on March 21, UNITA rebels stoned and crucified 
six children for allegedly giving information to the Government. On May 
20 and 21 in Bie province, UNITA attacked and looted a hospital in 
Camacupa. On June 7, the government press reported the discovery of 17 
mass graves in the Bie province, each containing more than 100 bodies; 
however, the report was not confirmed by independent sources by year's 
end. On July 8, an orphanage in Huambo province was attacked and 
looted, reportedly by 100 UNITA bandits; a teenager was killed, 4 were 
injured, and 25 were kidnaped. On August 8, UNITA rebels killed four 
civilians during an attack on the town of Catete.
    UNITA killed numerous civilians during attacks on civilian traffic 
on roads in the interior of the country; such attacks were designed to 
halt transportation, disrupt commerce, isolate populations, and 
maintain a climate of insecurity. Many such attacks occurred on the 
Malanje-Luanda road during the year.
    UNITA forces reportedly killed 80 Christians during the year for 
providing information to the Government (see Section 2.c.).
    During raids in the Kavango and Caprivi regions of Namibia, UNITA 
forces killed civilians. On January 9, suspected UNITA forces shot and 
killed two civilians outside of Rundu. In February UNITA forces killed 
three civilians and burned nine houses in Shinyungwe village.
    There were reports that UNITA continued to use forced conscription 
and killed persons who attempted to desert (see Sections 1.b. and 
1.f.).
    On October 2, the body of journalist Antonio Paciencia was 
discovered in Zambia. The results of an investigation determined that 
he had been killed, but did not attribute responsibility for the 
killing; however, the Government and some journalists blamed UNITA for 
the killing.
    UNITA never has accounted for the deaths of numerous senior party 
officials. A number of high-ranking UNITA officials who have defected 
revealed the extent of extrajudicial killings in UNITA-held areas. Two 
former UNITA secretaries general, a former head of UNITA intelligence, 
and others reported that Savimbi personally ordered extrajudicial 
killings of opponents and, in some cases, personally carried out the 
executions. UNITA does not allow the U.N. to investigate claims of 
human rights abuses in the limited areas (less than 5 percent of the 
country's territory) that it controls.
    There were no further developments into the September 1999 case in 
which National Assembly Deputy Joao Ngolongombe Jacob, who was a member 
the non-Savimbi faction of UNITA, was killed by unknown persons. In 
January 1999, a U.N. chartered aircraft was shot down; there was no 
further information available on the case at year's end. In January 
1999, Father Albino Saluaco and two catechists were killed by armed men 
in Huambo (see Section 2.c.); although no group claimed responsibility 
for the killings, there were credible reports that it was UNITA.
    UNITA and the separatist group FLEC-FAC killed foreign nationals. 
For example, on April 27, FLEC-FAC killed a foreign national during an 
ambush north of Dingo.
    FLEC-FAC forces tortured and killed civilians in the Cabinda region 
(see Section 1.a.). In May FLEC-FLAC forces kidnaped three foreign and 
one local employee of a construction company.
    On June 2, 12 persons were killed and 52 were injured when a group 
of children brought a discarded missile into a refugee camp near 
Malanje, and it exploded.
    On June 10, polio vaccination workers passing through the Huambo 
area discovered an ambushed truck with 7 dead persons inside.
    On July 9, approximately 100 members of UNITA attacked a 
residential school and training center in Huambo Province; the UNITA 
members kidnaped 21 children, killed 1 boy, and injured at least 4 
others.
    On October 20, there were reports that dozens of persons were 
killed during an attack by unknown gunmen on two buses and a car. 
Reportedly a bus was set on fire with the passengers still inside; the 
gunmen also burned the other two vehicles.
    b. Disappearance.--Persons taken into police custody often 
disappeared without a trace, particularly in rural areas. Suspects 
accused of illegal weapons ownership or collaboration with UNITA 
disappeared.
    Civilians abducted by UNITA generally either were recruited 
forcibly as soldiers or support personnel, or were considered 
government collaborators. The frequent discovery of bodies in the 
aftermath of attacks suggested that suspected collaborators were 
executed summarily. Those who escaped UNITA custody and were able to 
return to government-held areas reported that they were subjected to 
torture, beatings, and sexual abuse (see Section 1.c.). There was an 
unconfirmed report that on January 29, six armed men abducted two 
teenage girls from a village near the border. UNITA rebels were 
suspected in the incident; however, no further information was 
available on the incident by year's end. On July 9, approximately 100 
members of UNITA attacked a residential school and training center in 
Huambo Province; the UNITA members kidnaped 21 children, killed 1 boy, 
and injured at least 4 others. On July 18, UNITA kidnaped two priests, 
eight nuns, and five students during an armed attack on a Roman 
Catholic mission in Benguela Province. The kidnaped persons were 
released on July 26.
    There were also reports that members of the FLEC-FAC separatist 
group kidnaped civilians. On May 25, members of FLEC-FAC kidnaped three 
foreign and one local employee of a Portuguese company in Cabinda; 
FLEC-FAC claimed that they still were holding them at year's end.
    c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or 
Punishment.--The Constitution and the Penal Code explicitly prohibit 
all forms of mistreatment of suspects, detainees, or prisoners; 
however, security forces tortured, beat, raped, and otherwise abused 
persons. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the U.N., 
and human rights organizations reported that there was widespread 
government abuse of suspects.
    Security service personnel frequently employed torture and other 
forms of cruel and degrading treatment, including rape. Police used 
torture and coerced confessions frequently during investigations and 
rarely, if ever, were punished for such abuses. Those suspected of ties 
to UNITA regularly are detained under inhuman conditions and are 
subjected to primitive and brutal forms of interrogation. Nonpolitical 
criminal suspects also are subjected to detention and abuse, although 
to a much lesser extent. There have been no cases in which an army or 
police official has been disciplined for the use of excessive force 
against an UNITA suspect. Police often beat and released suspects in 
lieu of trials (see Section 1.d.). Police frequently participate in 
shakedowns, muggings, carjackings, and killings. Police also extorted 
money from travelers at checkpoints, and routinely harassed refugees 
(see Section 2.d.).
    Reports that government forces raped women in the central highlands 
increased during the year; government forces reportedly attacked women 
in their homes, while they were working in the fields, near military 
camps, and during searches of homes (see Section 1.f.). Rapes by 
government forces were reported most commonly in the Bie, Huambo and 
Uige provinces.
    Police officers and soldiers reportedly harassed internally 
displaced persons (IDP's) and denied them humanitarian assistance due 
to misappropriation of supplies (see Section 2.d.).
    There were reports that police beat protesters during 
demonstrations in February (see Section 2.b.).
    There were numerous reports of abuses of Namibian citizens by the 
FAA in the border areas. A Namibian human rights organization reported 
that in July the army executed two Namibian civilians and wounded 
another (see Section 1.a.).
    Some individual members of the FAA reportedly committed acts of 
rape and looting in the Republic of the Congo (see Section 1.a.).
    Landmines laid by both sides during the conflict resulted in an 
increasing number of fatalities and injuries, including maiming (see 
Sections 1.a. and 1.g.).
    The U.N. and human rights organizations report that abuse of 
suspects is universal in areas remaining under UNITA control. 
Interviews with persons who have fled UNITA-held areas revealed that 
UNITA uses cruel and inhuman practices, including public torture, to 
punish dissent and deter further acts of disloyalty. Torture is used at 
all levels of the UNITA forces. There have been repeated credible 
allegations that UNITA president Jonas Savimbi has ordered suspects 
tortured and executed in his presence. There were reports that UNITA 
engaged in reprisal attacks on civilians during the year. UNITA 
reportedly cut off the ears and hands of civilians in order to extract 
information and to discourage civilians from providing the Government 
with information on UNITA or from fleeing to government-controlled 
areas. On July 9, approximately 100 members of UNITA attacked a 
residential school and training center in Huambo Province; the UNITA 
members kidnaped 21 children, killed 1 boy, and injured at least 4 
others.
    There were numerous reports that UNITA forces abused Namibian 
citizens in the border areas.
    FLEC-FAC forces tortured and killed civilians in the Cabinda region 
(see Section 1.a.).
    Prison conditions are harsh and life-threatening. Cells are 
overcrowded and lack basic sanitary facilities. The prison system holds 
approximately five times the number of prisoners that it was built to 
hold. Many prisons, lacking financial support from the Government, were 
unable to supply prisoners with adequate food and health care. There 
were credible reports that many prisoners died of malnutrition and 
disease. For example, at the Viana Prison malnutrition and disease are 
pervasive problems. In November the Government and the National 
Assembly Committee on Human Rights acknowledged that conditions are 
inhuman and announced modest appropriations for improvements in the Sao 
Paulo Prison hospital in Luanda and Viana prison outside the capital. 
Members of the Committee visited both institutions and donated 
mattresses and other supplies to the inmates.
    Prison officials routinely beat detainees. Prisoners depend on 
families, friends, or international relief organizations for basic 
support, including food; prisons often do not provide any food to 
prisoners. Prison officials, who are chronically unpaid, support 
themselves by stealing from their prisoners and extorting money from 
family members. Juveniles, often incarcerated for petty theft, are 
housed with adults and suffer abuse by guards and inmates. Female 
prisoners are held separately from male prisoners. There were reports 
that prison guards sexually abused female prisoners. Detained 
journalists were also housed with other prisoners.
    The Government permitted foreign diplomatic personnel and local and 
international human rights monitors to visit prisons during the year, 
and unlike in the previous year, they were permitted to visit 
individual prisoners. A local NGO was launched to document prison 
conditions in Luanda (see Section 4).
    The conditions of UNITA's prisons were not known; however, 
extensive testimony from defectors described harsh conditions of 
confinement and summary executions.
    d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile.--Arbitrary arrest and 
detention are serious ongoing problems. Security forces used arbitrary 
arrest and detention during the year. Under the law, a person caught in 
the act of committing a crime may be arrested and detained immediately. 
Otherwise, the law requires that a judge or a provincial magistrate 
issue an arrest warrant. Arrest warrants also may be signed by members 
of the judicial police and confirmed within 5 days by a magistrate. The 
Constitution provides for the right to prompt judicial determination of 
the legality of the detention. Under the law, the prosecution and 
defense have 90 days before a trial to prepare their case, although 
both sides generally have the right to request an extension of this 
deadline under extenuating circumstances. The Constitution also 
provides prisoners with the right to receive visits by family members. 
Such rights are frequently ignored in practice; however, the Government 
paid increased attention to the rights of prisoners during the year; 
however, there was no substantial change in practice by year's end. 
There is a scarcity of personnel and resources and a lack of official 
determination to ensure these rights. Although the Ministry of Justice 
is nominally in charge of the prison system, the Ministry of the 
Interior continued to arrest and detain persons systematically, 
arbitrarily, and secretly for all categories of crimes and for 
indefinite periods, often with no apparent intent to bring the 
detainees to trial.
    Under the criminal law a person may not be held for over 135 days 
without trial. The National Security Law provides for a maximum of 180 
days of preventive detention. In practice, laws regarding preventative 
detention frequently are ignored. Over 90 percent of inmates in Luanda 
still are awaiting trial, and it is believed that the national average 
is over 50 percent. Inmates who have been awaiting trial for 2 or 3 
years are common. In many cases, police beat and then released 
detainees rather than make any effort to prepare a formal court case.
    In February police disrupted several demonstrations; they arrested 
and detained protestors (see Section 2.b.).
    On October 27, the Independent Union of Maritime and Association 
Workers of Angola (SIMA) engaged in a strike. Management threatened to 
fire the striking workers in retaliation, but all of the striking 
workers retained their jobs. Police arrested six strikers, but they 
were released on October 30 and acquitted of charges of disturbing the 
peace.
    In December 1999, a journalist, Andre Domingos Mussamo, was 
arrested and held in preventive detention for 3 months on charges of 
defamation before being released on bail in March (see Section 2.a.). 
Although the Press Law only allows a maximum of 15 days in detention, 
and other laws allow for a maximum detention of 45 days, the provincial 
Attorney General extended Mussamo's detention to 90 days; in April 
Mussamo was released without a trial, and in May all criminal charges 
against him were dropped.
    The Government holds an unknown number of suspected UNITA officials 
and supporters in areas where government control was regained. In past 
years, the Government invariably accused these persons of illegal 
weapons possession or collaboration with UNITA, although formal charges 
rarely were filed. However, the Government improved its compliance with 
the law, and there were no documented cases of further detentions of 
suspected UNITA officials and supporters during the year.
    UNITA continued to kidnap and detain persons primarily from rural 
areas against their will. The number of such persons is unknown.
    The Lusaka Protocol provides for the release, under International 
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) auspices, of persons detained for 
war-related reasons. Neither the Government nor UNITA regularly 
notified the ICRC or any other institution that it had POW's in 
custody. Between 10,000 and 15,000 UNITA soldiers have surrendered or 
been captured; most of them either entered the FAA or were released by 
the Government and placed in IDP camps.
    The Government did not use forced exile as a form of punishment. 
Some UNITA members claimed that they went into self-imposed exile 
because the Government threatened their lives.
    e. Denial of Fair Public Trial.--The Constitution provides for an 
independent judiciary; however, the judiciary, where it functions, is 
not independent of the President and the MPLA, and political pressure 
from the presidency affected the outcome of cases. In practice the 
court system lacked the means, experience, training, and political 
backing to assert its independence from the President and the ruling 
MPLA party. The President has strong appointive powers, including the 
power to appoint Supreme Court justices without confirmation by the 
National Assembly. The judicial system largely was destroyed during the 
civil war and did not function in large areas of the country. In many 
cases, police beat and then released detainees rather than make any 
effort to prepare a formal court case.
    The court system consists of the Supreme Court at the appellate 
level plus municipal and provincial courts of original jurisdiction 
under the nominal authority of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court 
serves as the appellate division for questions of law and fact. A 
Constitutional Court provided in the 1991 Constitution had not been 
established by year's end; the Constitution provides for judicial 
review of constitutional issues by the Supreme Court until the 
Constitutional Court is established. There are long delays for trials 
at the Supreme Court level.
    Trials for political and security crimes are supposed to be handled 
exclusively by the Supreme Court; however, there were no known cases of 
such trials. During the trial of Rafael Marques and Aguiar Dos Santos, 
the judge closed proceedings to the general public (except for members 
of the Bar Association), although visitors were allowed to observe the 
closing statements and the announcements of the final ruling (see 
Section 2.a.).
    The Constitution provides defendants with the presumption of 
innocence, the right to a defense, and the right to appeal. Legal 
reform in 1991 established the right to public trials, a system of 
bail, and recognized the accused's right to counsel; however, the 
Government does not respect these rights in practice. Trials are open 
to the public; however, each court has the discretion to close 
proceedings arbitrarily. Defendants do not have the right to confront 
their accusers. Judges are usually lay persons, not licensed lawyers. 
The judge and two lay persons elected by the full court act as the 
jury.
    On November 24, the MPLA introduced a general amnesty bill to the 
National Assembly, which was approved on November 29. Although the non-
Savimbi faction of UNITA introduced its own version, it later withdrew 
the proposal. The bill requires a voluntary request for amnesty by any 
individual and covers national security crimes, honesty (defamation), 
military crimes and common crimes. The bill also includes a 90-day 
period during which an individual is allowed to request amnesty. The 
bill was not implemented formally by year's end; however, many 
prisoners were released under its provisions during the year.
    In the past, UNITA established a nominal military and civilian 
court system in territories under its control and claimed that its 
Civil Code is equivalent to the Portuguese Civil Code used by the 
Government; however, there was no indication that UNITA maintained this 
system during the year. The areas under UNITA's control diminished to 
isolated pockets that composed about 5 percent of the country, and 
reports during the year indicated that strict martial law applies in 
those areas.
    There were reports that the Government holds political prisoners; 
however, the number is unknown. The Government denied that it holds 
political prisoners and insisted that persons considered by some of 
civil society to be political prisoners are criminals.
    There are numerous confirmed reports that UNITA holds political 
detainees. It is not known if persons detained by UNITA were convicted 
by UNITA judicial procedure; decisions made by UNITA courts have no 
standing under the country's legal system, and persons were denied due 
process protections.
    f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home or 
Correspondence.--The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. 
The Government maintained a sophisticated security apparatus dedicated 
to the surveillance, monitoring, and wiretapping of certain groups, 
including opposition party leaders, journalists, members of the 
National Assembly and foreign diplomats. Legal requirements for search 
warrants routinely are disregarded.
    There were reports that army units engaged in a scorched earth 
policy during the year, burning villages and killing civilians (see 
Section 1.a.). Government forces reportedly attacked women in their 
homes, while they were working in the fields, near military camps, and 
during searches of homes (see Section 1.c.).
    On June 20, armed individuals dressed as security forces visited 
the Voice of America (VOA) offices and demanded the addresses of the 
homes of several independent media correspondents; the addresses were 
not given to them. The Government did not acknowledge nor attribute 
responsibility for the incident.
    The Government threatened to evict from his home a journalist who 
had been charged with defamation (see Section 2.a.).
    To enforce laws on mandatory military service, the armed forces and 
police conducted forced conscription drives in many of the areas under 
the control of the Government, including Luanda, in which some minors 
may have been recruited. Under the law, military service is obligatory, 
but the pattern of the forced recruitment targeted poor communities and 
unemployed young men. Persons who could prove that they had jobs 
usually were released, and those with financial means could purchase an 
exemption from the armed forces. The Government denied that forced 
recruiting was taking place. Church groups, civil society institutions, 
and foreign embassies protested the manner of conscription.
    UNITA reportedly looted and destroyed property while replenishing 
their supplies of food and medicine.
    UNITA continued to conscript civilians, including children 
forcibly, for military duty (see Section 1.g.).
    g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in 
Internal Conflicts.--Military operations by both the Government and 
UNITA continued to result in numerous human rights violations. The 
Government and UNITA continue to use antipersonnel landmines to 
strengthen defensive positions and, in the case of UNITA, to prevent 
residents within its own areas from fleeing to government-held areas 
(see Section 2.d.). Large areas have been remined since the resumption 
of fighting in 1999, mostly by UNITA. Military attacks have resulted in 
indiscriminate and summary killings, torture, abductions, destruction 
of property, and theft (see Sections 1.a., 1.b., and 1.c.). The 
provinces most affected were Lunda Norte, Lunda Sul, Malange, Bie, and 
Moxico, although UNITA also has mounted raids on or near the coast. 
There were several attacks on Congolese miners during the year. The 
Government's failure to pay, feed, and equip many of its army and 
police personnel resulted in frequent extortion and theft. Government 
personnel frequently confiscated food, including donated relief 
supplies, livestock, and personal property; however, respect for 
humanitarian workers and property by security forces improved during 
the year as the result of an order from the Armed Forces Chief of Staff 
and better liaison between the Government and the U.N. on such 
problems.
    There were reports that army units engaged in a scorched earth 
policy, burning villages and killing civilians (see Section 1.a.).
    The Government continued to use forced conscription (see Section 
1.f.).
    In July the local government in Kwanza Norte evicted journalist 
Isidoro Natalicio from his home on the grounds that his work for 
independent and international radio stations violated his lease (see 
Section 2.a.).
    In May the U.N. estimated that as many as 7 million landmines have 
been laid in the country, and new mines were laid during the year. 
There were numerous injuries and deaths resulting from landmines (see 
Sections 1.a. and 1.c.). Various NGO's participated in landmine 
clearance operations during the year, and the Government implemented a 
Mine Action Plan.
    UNITA forces routinely violated citizen's rights in pursuit of 
military objectives. UNITA attacks against civilian populations as a 
guerrilla strategy resulted in hundreds of casualties. There were 
continued reports of deaths resulting from UNITA attacks on villages 
throughout the country and executions of suspected government 
supporters by UNITA forces (see Section 1.a.). The Government 
attributed the discovery of mass graves to UNITA actions (see Section 
1.a.).
    The number of IDP's continued to increase (see Section 2.d.).
    UNITA carried out forced recruiting, including of children, 
throughout all of the country's disputed territory. Recruits were taken 
to isolated military camps and subjected to psychological stress and 
extreme hardships; those who attempted to desert were executed. Women, 
many as young as 13 years of age, were recruited forcibly to serve as 
porters and camp followers, and reports of sexual assault were 
widespread and credible.

Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
    a. Freedom of Speech and Press.--The Constitution provides for 
freedom of expression and of the press and specifically provides that 
the media cannot be subject to ideological, political, or artistic 
censorship; however, the Government does not always respect this right 
in practice. Although the Government's respect for freedom of the press 
improved marginally beginning in March, the Government continued to 
intimidate and threaten journalists into practicing self-censorship. 
There were reports that the Government pays journalists to publish 
progovernment stories. The Government detained for up to several months 
or placed under investigation journalists who reported on sensitive 
issues, including military operations, government corruption, and 
UNITA, especially Jonas Savimbi. However, there was increasing private 
media attention to corruption, economic mismanagement, and opposition 
politics; journalists acknowledge that they exercise self-censorship 
when reporting on the military situation, internal security, or other 
highly sensitive matters.
    The news ban on war coverage that was instituted in 1999 remained 
effective; however, the strong discouragement of negative news coverage 
by the Government that occurred in 1999 lessened during the year.
    Defamation against the President or his representatives is a 
criminal offense, punishable with imprisonment or fines. There is no 
truth defense to defamation charges; the only allowable defense is to 
show that the accused did not produce the actual writing alleged to 
have caused harm. In June journalist Gustavo Costa, the editor of a 
Portuguese newspaper, was convicted of defamation against the Governor 
of Kwanza North, Manuel Pacavira. In June the director of the 
independent weekly Agora, Aguiar Dos Santos, and a columnist for Folha 
8, Rafael Marques, were found guilty of defamation. On October 27, the 
Supreme Court upheld the convictions of Marques, Aguiar Dos Santos, and 
Costa. Aguiar Dos Santos was sentenced to 2 months in prison, a fine, 
and travel restrictions; their sentences were suspended for 3 years. 
Costa was sentenced to 8 months for defamation, which also was 
suspended for 3 years, and travel restrictions were imposed on him. On 
December 11, the Supreme Court ordered the police to lift the travel 
restrictions that had been imposed on Marques, Dos Santos, and another 
journalist, Antonio Freitas; however, on December 12, government 
officials prevented Marques from leaving the country and temporarily 
confiscated his passport. Travel restrictions subsequently were lifted 
for the three journalists.
    In January Rafael Marques, a columnist for the independent weekly, 
Folha 8 who was arrested and detained for a July 1999 article critical 
of President Dos Santos, was released on bail after 45 days of 
preventive detention (see Section 1.d.). His trial for defamation of 
the President in March was closed to the public (although members of 
the Bar Association could observe); the judge refused to allow 
Marques's lawyer to present evidence regarding the truth of what 
Marques wrote. Marques was convicted and given a suspended sentence of 
6 months, the maximum under the law, as well as a large fine. On April 
27, police again interrogated Rafael Marques after he wrote an article 
that criticized the Government for the reinstitution of the military 
draft.
    In November 1999, Isidoro Natalicio was convicted of defamation, 
and his appeal was pending at year's end. During the year, the local 
government threatened to evict Natalicio from his home, and filed 
another defamation charge against him. In July the local government in 
Kwanza Norte evicted him from his home on the grounds that his work for 
independent and international radio stations violated his lease.
    In August 1999 the Government banned Isaias Soares, a VOA and Radio 
Ecclesia journalist, from covering official events or reporting on 
military issues in Malange. In July and August, the Government 
continued to harass Soares, and the provincial government seized his 
motorcycle, which was his only means of transport.
    In 1999 the Government harassed, arrested, and detained more than 
20 journalists on charges of slander, defamation, and crimes against 
the security of the State; however, such incidents decreased during the 
year. In July individuals claiming they represented government 
authorities kidnaped Catholic Radio Ecclesia director Paulo and forced 
him to drive at gunpoint to the outskirts of Luanda, where he managed 
to escape unhurt. The Government later disclaimed responsibility for 
the assault. In December 1999, police arrested and detained in Kwanza 
Norte province Andre Mussamo, correspondent for Angolan National Radio 
and contributor to Folha 8, for ``violation of a state secret.'' On May 
31, the charges were dropped when it was shown that Mussamo had not 
published any material from a secret document; however, the person who 
provided Mussamo with the document was convicted. Mussamo reportedly 
still is under investigation, and he has been barred from leaving the 
country or from practicing journalism. The Union of Angolan Journalists 
criticized the Government's actions in the Mussamo case.
    The majority of the media is state-run and carries very little 
criticism of the Government; however, the Government has tolerated 
progressively more criticism of its policies and actions in the 
independent media. There are five private weekly publications with 
circulations in the low thousands. There are also five commercial radio 
stations including the Catholic Radio Ecclesia, and Radio Lac Luanda, 
which openly criticized aspects of government policies and highlighted 
poor socioeconomic conditions. A committee composed of the Minister of 
Social Communication, the spokesman of the presidency, and the 
directors of state-run media organizations controls policy and 
censorship authority. The MPLA's secretary general also influences the 
content and tone of state-run media reporting. The Government used its 
control of the media to engage in a hostile propaganda campaign against 
UNITA, including unconfirmed allegations of UNITA massacres, as a means 
of influencing local and international public opinion.
    There were some attempts by the Government to improve relations 
with the media, including visits to independent radio and newspapers by 
the Vice-Minister of Social Communication. Media harassment diminished 
in most areas in the latter half of the year, with the exception of 
Kwanza Norte and Malange, where the Government continued to target 
journalists.
    As a result of the Marques trial, the Government decided to revise 
the press law. In August a committee appointed by the President 
released a draft law for public comment. Despite wide criticism of the 
new text, the Government encouraged a series of public seminars, and 
radio and television programming on the topic. In September the 
Government extended the original 6-week review period by 3 weeks to 
accommodate public feedback. The draft was criticized widely for not 
allowing the expansion of political dialog and discussion and for 
increasing the criminal penalties for defamation. The Committee to 
Protect Journalists (CPJ) recommended the withdrawal of the draft law. 
In October the Government suspended the drafting process, withdrew its 
draft, and announced its intention to appoint a committee consisting of 
both government and nongovernment representatives to reconsider the 
drafting process; however, the process had not begun by year's end.
    The Government generally did not restrict the activities of foreign 
media, including the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and VOA; 
however, it continued to refuse to allow direct retransmission of their 
broadcasts. Foreign journalists must obtain authorization from the 
Ministry of the Interior in order to obtain access to government 
officials or to travel within the country. Media requests to travel to 
areas that were not controlled by the Government were routinely denied. 
The Government placed no abnormal visa restrictions on foreign 
journalists and allowed them freedom to report on all aspects of 
society.
    During the year, there was a conviction in the case of the 1996 
killing of state-television reporter Antonio Casimiro (see Section 
1.a.).
    UNITA does not permit freedom of expression in the areas under its 
control.
    Academic life has been circumscribed severely by the civil war; 
however, there is academic freedom, and academics do not practice self-
censorship.
    b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association.--The Constitution 
provides for the right of assembly; however, the Government strictly 
controls this right in practice, although official tolerance for public 
protest increased. The law requires a minimum of 3 days' prior notice 
before public or private assemblies are held, and makes participants 
liable for ``offenses against the honor and consideration due to 
persons and to organs of sovereignty.'' Applications for progovernment 
assemblies are granted routinely without delay; however, applications 
for protest assemblies rarely are granted.
    On February 18, 25 members of the Party for the Support of 
Democracy and Progress in Angola (PADPA) members demonstrated in front 
of the Carmo Church in downtown Luanda in a highly publicized hunger 
strike against an increase in fuel prices. Police dispersed the 
demonstration on the grounds that the police had not received the 
required 3-day notification prior to the demonstration, and police 
detained 12 protesters. There also were allegations of police assault 
against protestors. On February 23, police dispersed a demonstration 
outside the Luanda Provincial Government and reportedly beat some 
demonstrators. On February 24, police with rifles dispersed a 
demonstration, arrested 10 protestors, including the leaders of 2 
opposition parties, and reportedly beat some of the protestors. On 
February 25, the police issued an apology for the arbitrary arrests.
    The Government became more tolerant of public protest during the 
latter half of the year. On March 11, officials permitted an opposition 
march by 100 members of opposition parties against high fuel prices; 
this was the first authorized opposition demonstration since 1992.
    The Constitution provides for the right of association; however, 
the Government restricts this right in practice. Legislation allows the 
Government to deny registration to private associations on security 
grounds; however, in practice the Government accepts virtually all 
applications, including those for political parties. However, there are 
informal government constraints on the operation of associations. The 
Government arbitrarily limits organized activities deemed adverse to 
its interests, by refusing to grant licenses and through other means.
    c. Freedom of Religion.--The Constitution provides for freedom of 
religion, and the Government respects this right in practice.
    The Government does not require religious groups to register. 
Colonial era statutes banned all non-Christian religious groups from 
the country; while those statutes still exist, they are no longer 
enforced.
    Members of the clergy in government-held areas regularly use their 
pulpits to criticize government policies.
    While in general UNITA permits freedom of religion, interviews with 
persons who left UNITA-controlled areas reveal that the clergy does not 
enjoy the right to criticize UNITA policies.
    In January 1999, unknown gunmen killed Father Albino Saluaco, a 
Catholic parish priest, and two catechists in a town in the province of 
Huambo that was under UNITA military occupation. No group had claimed 
responsibility for the incident by year's end (see Section 1.a.).
    d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, 
Emigration, and Repatriation.--The Constitution provides for freedom of 
movement and residence, and freedom of exit from and entry into the 
country; however, the Government does not respect these rights in 
practice. A network of government security checkpoints throughout the 
country interfered with the right to travel. Such checkpoints serve 
also as the principal source of income for many of the country's 
security service personnel. Extortion at checkpoints is routine in the 
center of Luanda and pervasive on major commercial routes. Police 
routinely harassed refugees at checkpoints (see Section 1.c.). The 
Government routinely cuts off access to areas of the country that are 
deemed insecure or beyond the administrative authority of the State. 
Insecurity prevented persons from transporting goods during the year. 
The Government did not place restrictions on emigration and 
repatriation; however, there were reports that immigration officials 
harassed and extorted money from foreign businessmen.
    Journalists who were convicted of defamation were temporarily 
prohibited by the Government from traveling outside of the country (see 
Section 2.a.).
    Landmines are a major impediment to the freedom of movement. UNITA 
used landmines primarily on roads and trails to disrupt transportation, 
and to control village populations. Government mining generally was 
confined to strategic positions around towns for defensive purposes. 
Estimates of the total number of landmines deployed throughout the 
country range into the millions. Fear of injury and death from 
landmines effectively imprisoned and impoverished entire communities. 
There were at least 100 fatalities due to landmine explosions during 
the year, and there are over 80,000 survivors of landmine explosions 
(see Section 1.g.).
    In April the Angolan Ministry of Assistance and Social Re-Insertion 
(MINARS) estimated that there were 3,800,000 IDP's in the country. In 
the same month, the U.N. reported 1,480,942 confirmed IDP's and a total 
of 2,299,314 reported IDP's in the country. There are 120 IDP camps in 
the country, 35 of which were inaccessible due to their distance from 
urban centers, and there is a lack of adequate water supply in these 
areas. Many IDP's are former returnees from neighboring countries who 
were reintegrated into the country from 1994 to 1998. There were 
instances in which IDP's were harassed by police officers and soldiers, 
and denied humanitarian assistance due to misappropriation by the 
authorities. IDP's were conscripted forcibly in both Government and 
UNITA controlled areas (see Section 1.f.). Provincial governments in 
the country at times relocated IDP's to areas with security problems. 
On June 2, 9 persons were killed and 50 were injured when a discarded 
missile exploded in an IDP camp (see Section 1.a.). There have also 
been reports of male IDP's being forced by authorities to leave IDP 
camps and return to their places of origin. However, the IDP's overall 
situation improved during the year. Many IDP's were moved from transit 
camps and urban warehouses with poor conditions to rural, safe security 
areas, and provided with homes, small land parcels, medical care, and 
education by the Government and UNHCR. In November the UNHCR began new 
IDP assistance programs and now provides protection and assistance in 
three provinces.
    Approximately 170,000 citizens sought refuge in the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo (DRC) as a result of the conflict. In November 
the UNHCR reported that between 15,000 and 18,000 citizens gathered 
near the border with DRC; they remained near the border at year's end. 
Thousands of citizens reportedly crossed into Namibia during the year.
    The law provides for the granting of refugee and asylee status in 
accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of 
Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The Government cooperates with the U.N. 
High Commissioner for Refugees. The Government provides first asylum to 
refugees. An eligibility committee to evaluate asylum claims meets 
regularly to evaluate asylum requests. According to UNHCR, the country 
has approximately 12,000 refugees, 90 percent of whom are from the DRC.
    There were no reports of the forced expulsion of persons with valid 
claims to refugee status.

Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to 
        Change Their Government
    The Constitution provides all adult citizens with the right to vote 
by secret ballot in direct multiparty elections to choose the President 
of the Republic and deputies in the 220-seat National Assembly; 
however, in practice citizens have no effective means to change their 
government. The Lusaka Protocol establishes the mechanism for returning 
the country to an electoral calendar. The Constitutional Committee of 
the National Assembly continued to work on a new constitution and a new 
electoral law; however, the process was not completed by year's end. 
During the year, the Government announced that elections were scheduled 
for 2001, but later postponed them until 2002. Opposition parties 
complained of harassment and intimidation by the Government.
    The President is elected by absolute majority. If no candidate wins 
such a majority, a runoff must take place between the two candidates 
with the most votes. Of the 220 deputies in the National Assembly, 130 
are elected on a national ballot, and 90 are elected to represent the 
provinces. The Electoral Law also calls for the election of three 
additional deputies to represent citizens living abroad; however, those 
positions were not filled in the 1992 elections.
    Ruling power is concentrated in the President and other members of 
the Council of Ministers, through which the President exercises 
executive power. The Council can enact decree-laws, decrees, and 
resolutions, thereby controlling most functions normally associated 
with the legislative branch. Although the Constitution establishes the 
position of Prime Minister, the President dismissed the Prime Minister 
during the MPLA Party Congress at the end of 1998, assumed the position 
himself by decree, and continued to hold the position at year's end. 
The National Assembly has, since its inception, served as a rubber 
stamp for the Council of Ministers. Nevertheless, with opposition 
deputies holding about 43 percent of National Assembly seats, 
substantive debates sometimes took place on issues ranging from the 
peace process to the Government's budgeting priorities and 
accountability. In August the parliamentary opposition held a 3-day 
conference in a National Assembly annex with the specific objective of 
organizing an electoral coalition; the conference included 300 
activists from seven opposition parties.
    The 1992 elections were the first multiparty democratic elections 
in the country's history; they were conducted with U.N. supervision and 
financial support. MPLA president Jose Edardo Dos Santos won a 
plurality of votes cast in the presidential election (49 percent), and 
UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi finished second (40 percent). Although local 
and international observers declared the election to be generally free 
and fair and called on UNITA to accept the results, UNITA claimed that 
the elections were fraudulent, rejected the results, and returned the 
country to civil war. The runoff election between Dos Santos and 
Savimbi was never held. The Lusaka Protocol stated that it would take 
place following a U.N. determination that requisite conditions exist. 
The National Assembly voted in June 1999 to cancel the runoff election, 
pending a determination that conditions are appropriate for a new 
election.
    In 1997 UNITA and 10 smaller opposition parties joined the ruling 
MPLA in a government of national unity and reconciliation. In 1998 
UNITA officials assumed 4 ministerial and 7 vice-ministerial positions, 
and 70 UNITA deputies took their seats. UNITA governors, vice 
governors, and local administrators were nominated, but remaining 
positions were filled by members of a splinter UNITA group, UNITA-
Renovada, which is recognized and assisted by the Government. The 
National Assembly promulgated a special status for Savimbi, declaring 
him to be the leader of the largest opposition party and providing him 
with 5 official residences and a bodyguard contingent of 400 personnel. 
The National Assembly revoked Savimbi's status in 1998 for abrogating 
his duties under the Lusaka Protocol. In 1999 the Government declared 
Savimbi a war criminal and issued a warrant for his arrest; the warrant 
remained outstanding at year's end.
    There are no legal barriers to the participation of women in the 
political process; however, women are under represented in government 
and politics. Women occupy 10 of 83 cabinet positions, 35 of 220 seats 
in the National Assembly, and none of the 9 places on the Supreme 
Court.

Section 4. Governmental Attitudes Regarding International and 
        Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human 
        Rights
    The Government does not prohibit independent investigations of its 
human rights abuses; however, it fails to cooperate and often uses 
security conditions as a false justification to deny access to affected 
areas.
    There were more than 120 registered NGO's operating in the country; 
approximately 45 were domestic NGO's. Local NGO's actively promoted 
human rights during the year. In October a local NGO, Maos Livres, was 
launched to document and expose prison conditions in Luanda. During the 
year, Maos Livres also provided free legal counsel to detained strikers 
from an independent longshoremen's union (see Section 6.a.).
    Several international organizations have a permanent presence in 
the country including the ICRC and the human rights division of the 
U.N. Human Rights Watch visited the country three times during the 
year.
    The Constitution provides for the creation of an Office of the 
Provider of Justice, or Ombudsman, designated by the National Assembly 
for a 4-year-term, to defend citizens' rights and liberties. However, 
this office had not been established at year's end.
    During the year, U.N. activities in the country resumed with a 
limited mandate and staff.

Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, 
        Language, or Social Status
    Under the Constitution, all citizens are equal before the law and 
enjoy the same rights and responsibilities regardless of color, race, 
ethnicity, sex, place of birth, religion, ideology, degree of 
education, or economic or social condition. The Government does not 
have the ability to enforce these provisions effectively.
    Women.--Violence against women was widespread. Credible evidence 
indicated that a significant proportion of homicides was perpetrated 
against women, usually by spouses. In 1997 the Ministry of Women and 
Family was created to deal in part with violence against women. The 
Government continued its project to reduce violence against women and 
improve the status of women, and efforts during the year included 
public education campaign. Allegations of rape by Government forces in 
the central highlands increased during the year (see Section 1.c.). 
There were some unconfirmed reports of rape by UNITA forces.
    The Constitution and Family Code provide for equal rights without 
regard to gender; however, societal discrimination against women 
remained a problem, particularly in rural areas. In addition a portion 
of the Civil Code dates to colonial times and includes discriminatory 
provisions against women in the areas of inheritance, property sales, 
and participation in commercial activities. There are no effective 
mechanisms to enforce child support laws, and women carry the majority 
of responsibilities for raising children. Due to poor economic 
conditions, an increasing number of women engaged in prostitution. The 
law provides for equal pay for equal work; however, in practice, women 
rarely are compensated equally. Some women hold senior positions in the 
armed forces (primarily in the medical field) and civil service, but 
women mostly are relegated to low-level positions in state-run 
industries and in the small private sector. In much of the country, 
women constituted a growing percentage of the disabled, as they were 
most likely to become victims of landmines while foraging for food and 
firewood in agricultural areas. Under the law, adult women may open 
bank accounts, accept employment, and own property without interference 
from their spouses. Upon the death of a male head of household, the 
widow automatically is entitled to 50 percent of the estate with the 
remainder divided equally among legitimate children.
    A series of national conferences on women's rights, partially 
funded by foreign donors, continued to produce calls for the Government 
to amend the Civil Code to end women's legal inequality, create a 
social welfare program, and strengthen enforcement mechanisms for 
existing legislation.
    Children.--Approximately 50 percent of the population is believed 
to be under the age of 15; however, the Government gave little 
attention to children's rights and welfare. The Ministry of Education 
barely functioned due to a lack of resources and corrupt 
administration. Private religious, community, or corporate groups have 
been unable to fill this vacuum. Although primary and secondary 
education was free, students often have to pay significant additional 
expenses. Although primary education was compulsory, there were not 
enough schools and many children had to work to support their families. 
Teachers were chronically unpaid and often demanded unofficial payment 
or bribes from students. Teachers engaged in strikes in provinces 
throughout the country during the year (see Section 6.a.). The net 
enrollment rate of school-age children is 40 percent; however, while 50 
percent of children 5 to 14 years of age are in school, only 30 percent 
of children remain in school after grade 5. There was an 18 percent 
enrollment rate gap favoring boys over girls. Almost 1 million children 
are estimated to be out of school, with no prospect of integrating them 
into the education system. Most of the educational infrastructure was 
either partially or totally damaged and lacks basic equipment and 
teaching materials. Only 42 percent of the population was literate, and 
the illiteracy rate for women is almost twice that of men.
    UNITA and the Government allowed 8,000 child soldiers to be 
demobilized in 1996-97. The Government has not brought any significant 
numbers of children back into the armed forces, although some children 
have been caught up in forced recruitment campaigns (see Section 1.f.). 
There were credible reports that UNITA often forcibly recruits children 
as young as 10 years of age into its armed forces.
    Children often were victims in the civil war. Government and UNITA 
forces killed, kidnaped, and injured children during attacks throughout 
the year (see Sections 1.a., 1.b., and 1.c.). Children were killed and 
injured by landmine explosions in increasing numbers (see Section 
1.a.).
    The U.N. Children's Fund in 1998 estimated that there were 
approximately 5,000 street children in Luanda; some were orphans or 
abandoned while others ran away from their families or government 
facilities that were unable to support them. Living conditions in 
government youth hostels are so poor that the majority of homeless 
children preferred to sleep on city streets. Street children shine 
shoes, wash cars, and carry wate